Home PageTony blair and uk whistleblowers – book rights

Tony Blair and UK whistleblowers – Book Rights

They say everyone has a good book in them; I believe I have a story worthy of taking to print or making into a movie. It is a story of how I came through the War on Terror, despite Tony Blair’s best efforts. My story deals with how UK whistleblowers were treated by the Blair government and why how they were treated should be of interest to anyone who works for or is a shareholder in ConvaTec or Bristol-Myers Squibb; requires the services of a UK employment tribunal or ACAS, or is interested in the circumstances surrounding the death of Dr David Kelly. My book will deal with 1 question: Should the Blair government have referred British whistleblowers to the Home/Foreign Secretaries for the attention of MI5/MI6, or in cases were there was an American interest, allowed access to whistleblowers both in the UK and abroad by the FBI/CIA as well as MI5/MI6?





I worked for ConvaTec Deeside between 1989 and 2000. I had complained to senior members of the ConvaTec management team and in 2000 to the Corporate Ombudsman at Bristol-Myers Squibb, the division’s parent company, about a number of serious issues, including unrecorded health and safety lapses and the fraudulent use of company assets. I left employment at the time of a restructuring. My post was filled within 2 months by contract labour.

For the sake of clarity I should expand upon my claim that there was fraudulent use of company assets. ConvaTec had a supplier that occupied an adjacent site. It was clear to all, or should I say, it should have been clear to all that there was an inappropriate relationship between ConvaTec and the supplier. ConvaTec was continually supplied with out of spec materials that had a huge negative impact on production. These sub-standard and out of spec materials were never returned to the supplier but were scrapped or, with great difficulty, used in the manufacturing process. As far as I could ascertain no credit was raised against these out of spec supplies. This to me was poor management, but was also indicative of a bigger problem as ConvaTec paid for some of the supplier’s operating costs. For instance, the ConvaTec gatehouse monitored the security for the supplier, through ADT. ConvaTec also lent labour to the supplier on an Ad Hoc basis. It was quite clear the relationship with our supplier was totally unprofessional and left ConvaTec open to my claim that there was fraudulent use of company assets. I would later be forced to sign an undertaking not to disclose this and other information. I accept that I am now in breach of that undertaking. Who approved the undertaking and who as late as 2011 refused to lift the undertaking will say much about ConvaTec’s relationship with the supplier. I believe ConvaTec could have saved millions of pounds by addressing this problem; instead they had a cost cutting restructuring, at which point I left the company. ConvaTec was subsequently privately owned, but when I raised the issue in 2000 it was a division of a listed company, Bristol-Myers Squibb. I was a Bristol-Myers Squibb shareholder.

ConvaTec is now a listed company in its own right. 2017, the undertaking (gag) is still in place. If it is ever lifted I will give fine detail on the following:

  • How the person who oversaw the restructuring gave a private assurance to a Quality of Working Life Group representative that I would be dealt with, after the QWLG representative complained to him about me in relation to other matters.
  • How a director telephoned me at home to tell me I would be dismissed for sending a letter to the Bristol-Myers Squibb Ombudsman, using ConvaTec’s internal mail.
  • How a report I wrote stating a packaging machine needed blowing up gave ConvaTec/Bristol-Myers the opportunity they needed to declare the issue a “security threat”. Just for the record, there’s no way I’d blow up anything.
  • How an unauthorized alteration to a machine, sanctioned by the man who oversaw the restructuring, criticised by me, impacted the integrity of millions of sterile blister packs.
  • How ahead of the restructuring being announced I was enticed to take up employment with another company, which was run by a “friend” of mine. An offer I declined. The “friend” would later tell me he couldn’t be blackmailed.

Back to the story. The day I left ConvaTec I received an email from a London barrister named Leon de Costa asking if £100.00 would buy legalrights.co.uk, a domain name I owned. He did not say whether or not he represented anyone other than himself. As a result of this contact I followed various links until I came upon a website, esettle.co.uk, which was run by Mr de Costa. I used his site to make a claim for constructive dismissal against my employer; in doing so I provided ConvaTec with information that was critical to my case. At a later date, using emails and web traffic data, I uncovered what I believed was a working relationship between Leon de Costa and FBI deputy director, Thomas J Pickard. Pickard was second in command to Louis J Freeh, director of the FBI. Pickard’s duties at the time of leaving the FBI in 2001 were investigation into the East Coast Anthrax mailings and the 911 attacks, according to a statement released by Bristol-Myers Squibb’s John L McGoldrick when Pickard joined BMS in January 2002. John L McGoldrick was head of the group of which ConvaTec was part; he was also general counsel for Bristol-Myers Squibb. Pickard would later be joined by his boss, Louis J Freeh who also went to work for Bristol-Myers Squibb but as a board member. I am not suggesting John L McGoldrick was responsible for recruiting Freeh; it was obviously a board decision approved by the President/CEO, Peter Dolan. Neither McGoldrick nor Dolan are any longer with the company. As far as I know, no statement has ever been made by the FBI, or Bristol-Myers Squibb, regarding the Deeside investigation, which is a glaring omission on the statement issued by Bristol-Myers Squibb when Pickard joined the company. The Department of Justice, Pickard’s former employers, have also failed to acknowledge the Deeside investigation though at a later date they will play an active part in the Deferred Prosecution Agreement which will see Bristol-Myers shareholders stump up US$300M. The DPA was enacted on the 15th June 2005. See the date on my passport entry at the head of the page. Coincidental? Not a chance!!

After I left the division, I approached ACAS with a view to them mediating between ConvaTec and myself. Their man admitted to discussing the matter with ConvaTec but told me he was unable to assist and refused to meet me. In the meantime, following the email from esettle in which I claimed constructive dismissal, the ConvaTec HR director asked my permission- which I gave – to have my case referred to the ConvaTec board of directors for their consideration. In a submission I asked the board if they could facilitate my transfer to another Bristol-Myers Squibb plant. The request was refused. I decided to take ConvaTec to an employment tribunal. During the period running up to the tribunal I received a call on my mobile that I failed to answer. On calling the missed number, I was informed I was talking to Shrewsbury Employment Tribunal. That was worrying as that was the tribunal that was hearing my case and I had not provided them with my mobile number. I asked my MP, Angela Eagle, to investigate. She wrote to the tribunal and received the reply that my number had been dialled randomly. Angela Eagle’s subsequent assistance in getting to the bottom of this has been sadly lacking. Yes, I am saying there was interference in the judicial process by UK/US security services on behalf of Bristol-Myers Squibb. But, that doesn’t change the fact, my contract of employment was with ConvaTec.

If it could be established in a court of law that the security services were involved in my case, wouldn’t it raise serious questions regarding another whistleblower, Dr David Kelly, who died at the time I claim the operation to silence me was going on?

The scene is set. The story involves exotic locations, glamorous sports and dirty dealings. And oh, those passport dates. Find out the significance of why I happened to be travelling to Barbados on the same day Richard Reid tried to blow up a plane and on the day Bristol-Myers accepted a deferred prosecution agreement which left their shareholders US$300 million out of pocket – Donald Trump is absolutely right about false stories in the media. I would be happy to sell the book or film rights, give evidence in open court against Jack Straw and Tony Blair or take part in a TV or radio debate on the subject. Jack Straw was home secretary at the time of the UK operation and foreign secretary at the time I was in Barbados in 2001. As I said in the header, I am not willing to publicise methods used by the security services, merely highlight the fact whistleblowers were referred to UK/US agencies for their attention.

I am keen to enter into a formal agreement with a publishing company to take my book to press. In order to prove there is no intention to bury my publication, I will require an advance of £30,000.00 from a reputable publisher.